To
Com.
CBR
Subject: Regarding Future
Collaboration with the Marxist Thinkers Forum
Dear
Sir,
I
extend my sincere thanks for your prompt and positive response to my letter of
disassociation.
As
a democrat firmly committed to the constitutional ideals of Justice,
Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, I continue to express my complete and
unwavering solidarity with the Marxist Thinkers Forum from outside. This
commitment is absolute and unchanging, and I hold no second opinion in this
regard.
However,
for me to participate actively within the organization, there are four guiding
principles that I must insist upon:
1. Defining the Ruling Establishment as Corporate Communal
Dictatorship (CCD) (కార్పొరేట్ మతతత్త్వ నియంతృత్వం)
While
many have described the current domination as Brahminical or Saffronized, and while such terminology may not be lexically incorrect, it is important to note that, politically and economically, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar coined the term Hindutva in 1922. However, the majority of ordinary
Hindus are neither aware of this historical context nor its political
implications.
The
use of such terminology risks hurting the sentiments and beliefs of millions,
including members of my own family and many of my close friends who are Brahmins.
I believe it is essential to avoid language that could wound their faith.
Therefore,
I propose that we describe the ruling dispensation as Corporate Communal
Dictatorship (CCD), a characterization that captures the essence without
alienating the common people.
2. Adopting
"Lal-Neel-Haryali Maitri" as our Slogan:
‘Haryali’
(greenery) is a Telugu/Sanskrit word familiar in expressions such as the 'Green
Revolution.' Similarly, while ‘Lal’ (red) was initially unfamiliar to Telugu
speakers, it has now gained currency.
Green
symbolizes a shared identity for both Adivasis and Muslims.
Henceforth,
I propose that at every meeting and gathering, we raise the slogan:
"Lal-Neel-Haryali
Maitri" (Red-Blue-Green Solidarity).
3. Recognizing and Honoring
the Contribution of Muslims — The Kalamites or
Kalamists
:
There
is a widespread misconception that Muslims have not contributed significantly
to modern progressive movements.
In
reality, Muslim youth established the Communist Party of India at Tashkent in
1920.
In the
organization of the first CPI Congress in 1925, leaders such as Muzaffar Ahmad
and Kazi Nazrul Islam played pivotal roles.
The
founders of the Progressive Writers’ Association were predominantly Muslims.
During
the Telangana Armed Peasant Struggle, the intellectual backbone — the Comrades’
Association — was largely comprised of Muslims.
Over
time, as atheism was emphasized within communist leadership, Muslim
participation gradually declined.
It
is also worth recalling that Muslims were the first to deliver a military
defeat to fascism (in North Africa).
In
recent times, the Shaheen Bagh movement, led by Muslim women, demonstrated
remarkable resistance against the Communal Dictatorship (CCD) regime,
inspiring subsequent movements such as the farmers’ protests.
At
every critical juncture of the national movement, Muslims stood shoulder to
shoulder with other oppressed communities.
At
the Round Table Conferences, Muslim leaders strongly advocated for separate
electorates for the Depressed Classes.
It
was Muslim leaders who facilitated Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s election to the
Constituent Assembly by vacating a reserved seat through the resignation of
their representative Jogendra Nath Mandal.
Despite
our collective amnesia about these contributions, historical facts remain
indelible.
Figures
such as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad have had an enduring
impact on the social and political life of Muslims.
Sir
Syed is primarily remembered as a social reformer, yet he had a significant
political vision.
Conversely,
Maulana Azad is remembered chiefly as a political leader, but he was equally a
social reformer.
Today,
the Muslim community looks up to both as its guiding lights.
In that spirit, we proudly declare ourselves Kalamites
and Kalamists, the followers of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who is a synonym
for Nationalists.
4. Ensuring Adequate
Representation of Muslims and Adivasis in Leadership:
According
to the 2011 Census, Muslims comprise 14.2% and Adivasis 8.6% of India’s
population.
It
is not our demand that leadership positions be compulsorily assigned to Muslims
or Adivasis.
However,
it is our earnest desire that these communities receive fair and proportionate
representation in the central executive committee, in policy-making, program
implementation, and public campaigns.
We
must also ensure that Muslim Dalits (Pasmanda), Muslim Adivasis, and Muslim
OBCs are accorded due dignity and recognition.
As
you have proposed, I invite the three members you mentioned — and if needed, up
to two more — to visit my residence on Wednesday, 30th April 2025, between 4:00
PM and 6:00 PM.
My
address is:
32-13-53/105,
Dasari Ramana Nagar, Church Street, Opposite AMMA Kalyana Mandapam, Vijayawada
– 520010.
I
will share the location via WhatsApp for your convenience.
If
we are able to reach a consensus on these four principles, I would be more than
happy to work actively and constructively within the organization.
Looking
forward to a fruitful discussion.
With
warm regards,
Khan Yazdani (Danny)
Vijayawada,
28th April 2025
మిత్రులారా !
అందరికీ సులువుగా అర్ధం అవుతుందని మనం ఫాసిజం పదాన్ని తరచూ వాడుతున్నాం.
నిజానికి మన దేశపు వర్తమాన పరిస్థితులకు ఫాసిజంతోకన్నా నాజిజంతో ఎక్కువ పోలికలున్నాయి.
ఈ ఫాసిజం, నాజిజం అనే పేర్లు వాడినపుడు 1920-45నాటి ఇటలీ, జర్మనీలతో పోలిక లొస్తాయి. దానితో విబేధాలు వస్తాయి.
కొన్ని పార్టీలు ఈ ఫాసిజం పదాన్ని ఇప్పటి నియంతృత్వానికి అన్వయించలేక సతమత మౌతున్నాయి.
దీనికి సిపియం తాజా ఉదాహరణ.
వందేళ్ల క్రితపు పరిస్థితులు ఇప్పుడు వుండవు. మారిపోతాయి.
1935లో మాస్కోలో జరిగిన కొమింటర్న్ 7వ కాంగ్రెస్ లో జార్జి డిమిట్రావ్ ఫాసిజాన్ని నిర్వచించాడు.
అప్పటికి జర్మనిలో హిట్లర్ ఫ్యూరర్ అయ్యాడుగానీ అక్కడ నాజిజం ఇంకా విశ్వరూపాన్ని ప్రదర్శించలేదు.
ఈ పరిమితుల్ని అర్ధం చేసుకోక జార్జి డిమిట్రావ్ నిర్వచనాన్ని పట్టుకుని వేళ్ళాడడం చారిత్రక భౌతిక వాదానికి అపచారం.
ఫాసిజం, నాజిజం రెండూ సోషలిస్టు పార్టీలే అనేది మనం మరచిపోతే మరో తప్పు చేస్తున్నవాళ్లం అవుతాము.
టెక్నికల్ గా అది 'కార్పొరేట్ కమ్యూనల్ డిక్టేటర్ షిప్'.
మనం తెలుగులో 'కార్పొరేట్ మతతత్త్వ నియంతృత్వం' అనాలి.
'కార్పొరేట్ సాంస్కృతిక నియంతృత్వం' అని కూడ చెప్పుకోవచ్చు.
మన చర్చను ఫాసిజం పదం చుట్టూ తిప్పవద్దు.
ఆ పదాన్ని వాడడంవల్ల సౌలభ్యంకన్నా సమస్యలు ఎక్కువగా వస్తాయి.
ఈ విషయాన్ని నేను నా మూడవ డాక్యుమెంటు చాలా స్పష్టంగా చెప్పాను.
మే 4 నాటి సమావేశంలోనూ వివరించాను.
ఇప్పటికీ ఫాసిజం అంటామంటే చేయగలిగింది ఏమీ లేదు.
మనం హాయిగా 1935 లో జీవించవచ్చు.
ఖాన్ యజ్దానీ (డానీ)
7 మే 2025
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